Home About RSS

Stanford Criminal Justice Center

Prisons Can’t Afford to Cut Rehabilitation Funds

The title of this post is also the title of a recent Op Ed in the SF Chronicle by the President of California’s Crime Victims United Harriet Salarno and State Assemblyman Ted Lieu.

I have known Ms. Salarno for several years and have found her to be a formidable voice on behalf of the victims rights movement. Yet, in my discussions with her, she has often spoken as passionately about the need to help nonviolent offenders rehabilitate as about the need to vindicate the rights of victims.

This Op Ed seems to adopt a view long held by many criminal justice reformers and victims rights advocates alike: offender rehabilitation and victim support need not be adversaries in the criminal justice system.

A Blue-Ribbon Look at Criminal Justice

The New York Times ran an editorial on Saturday endorsing Senator Jim Webb’s proposal to create a commission tasked with examining the nation’s criminal justice system.

Here’s a snippet from the editorial:

“The high imprisonment rate has long been troubling as a matter of fairness, but with the recession it has become an enormous financial burden. States have begun, out of fiscal necessity, to parole prisoners faster and in larger numbers, and to look for alternatives to incarceration. This scattershot approach is far from ideal. It would be better to have experts address these issues at a national level in a more methodical way.”

Most of the bill’s supporters to date have emphasized the commission’s role in examining the American criminal justice system’s high incarceration rate, racial imbalances, and proportion of inmates incarcerated for drug crimes. This editorial suggests another reason to support the bill - the commission’s ability to systematize states’ attempts to reduce corrections spending by releasing prisoners and help ensure releases are accomplished without threats to public safety.

Obama seeks to increase funding for crime research

According to The Crime Report, the President’s FY 2011 budget proposal includes a $22 million increase for the National Institute of Justice and a $2.5 million increase for the Bureau of Justice Statistics (these two agencies fall under the federal Office of Justice Programs and together perform the bulk of the nation’s research on crime and justice). At the same time, it proposes to cut $15 million from local prosecutions of gun crimes through the federal Project Safe Neighborhoods program.

Does this signal a shift on the part of the administration away from prosecution and toward research as a primary mechanism for administering the criminal justice system?

Child Pornography, and an Issue of Restitution

The title of this post is also the title of a recent NY Times article that poses the following question: should the individuals depicted in child pornography images be entitled to collect restitution from those who possess (but have not produced) the images?

Underlying this serious policy issue is a series of other questions American courts have yet to resolve. Questions such as:
- Are the children depicted in child pornography “victims” of the crime of possessing such pornography (it being well settled by now that children are victims of the crimes of abusing children and making child pornography)?
- Does possessing child pornography proximately cause any of the harms suffered by the children depicted in the images?
- Has society gone too far in punishing possessors of child pornography?
- If so, is the imposition of a restitution requirement an example of going “too far”?
- If imposition of a restitution requirement is an appropriate punishment in these cases, is joint and several liability the proper approach?

I find it hard to conceive of an argument that the children depicted in child pornography are not “victims” of the crime of possessing said pornography. The secondary harms suffered by sexual abuse victims is well-documented.

The argument that possessing child pornography is not a sufficient proximate cause of the child’s suffering to justify imposition of a restitution requirement is related to the question of whether the child is a “victim” of the crime of possession. Again, I find it difficult to conceive of an argument that there is insufficient proximate harm to justify a restitution award. One young woman has received 800 notices from the federal government in the last five years notifying her that pornographic photos of her as a child have shown up in a new child pornography prosecution. I haven’t seen the evidence purporting to document the harm she suffers from that experience, but I find it very difficult to deny the plausibility of her claim.

I am sympathetic to the argument that society has gone too far in punishing sex offenders generally. I don’t know enough about child pornography cases (the harms suffered by the victims, the recidivism rates of offenders, etc.) to form an opinion about whether society has gone too far in punishing possessors of child pornography, although evidence of increasing downward departures in the imposition of federal sentences in child pornography cases supports the argument that many federal judges think the prison sentences prescribed by the federal sentencing guidelines are too long. In any event, a thorough analysis of this issue is surely beyond the scope of this post.

Even if society has gone too far in punishing possessors of child pornography, however, I am not convinced that imposition of a restitution requirement is an example of this phenomenon. If it is true that child pornography victims suffer harms related to the need for counseling, lost wages, etc., and if these harms are caused in part by the possession of said pornography, it seems to me that restitution is both more beneficial for victims and less onerous for defendants than lengthy prison terms.

If restitution is proper, is joint and several liability the right approach for imposing it? I’m not sure at the moment, but I hope someone will offer an answer in their comments.

Three years, 2603 killings

The title of this post is also the title of a recent entry in the LA Times’s The Homicide Report: The Times Chronicles L.A. County Homicide Victims.

The entry contains some painful statistics regarding the demographic characteristics of a typical Los Angeles homicide victim. It states, in part:

“Latinos are killed in greater numbers than all other races combined, accounting for 1,367, or 52%, of 2,604 county homicides recorded since 2007. Black people are killed at a rate far out of proportion to their presence in the county, making up more than 30% of the homicide victims and less than 10% of the county population. And homicide is overwhelmingly a phenomenon of young men, with 85% of all victims men and nearly four of every 10 victims between the ages of 17 and 25. Guns were used in almost three-quarters of all killings during the period.”

For several years, criminal justice reform advocates have been bringing public attention to the fact that young men of color make up a disproportionate number of criminal defendants and jail and prison inmates. This snapshot of LA sheds a light on another troubling facet of the relationship between race and the American criminal justice system: young men of color are disproportionately represented among the population of homicide victims as well.

The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness

Michelle Alexander, author of a new book whose title is also the title of this post, will speak at Stanford Law School on Feb 10 at 12:45 p.m., not at 2:30 p.m. as previously announced.

Governor’s Plan for Prisons Ignores Racial History

The title of this post is also the title of an Op Ed in today’s Sacramento Bee, criticizing California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger for failing to address the racial dimensions of California’s prison crisis.

In this timely Op Ed, Associate Professor at Ohio State University’s Moritz College of the Law and 2005 Soros Justice Fellow Michelle Alexander argues that

“… California, like the nation as a whole, has treated generations of African Americans and Latinos as largely disposable. They have been rounded up by the thousands, locked in cages, and upon release ushered into a parallel social universe in which they can be denied the right to vote, automatically excluded from juries and legally discriminated against in employment, housing, access to education and public benefits – reminiscent of an era we supposedly left behind. Most of the people labeled felons are not murderers or dangerous criminals. They are black and brown, very poor and paying the price of a get-tough movement driven not by crime rates, but by politics – a politics that has scapegoated the most vulnerable as a means of scoring political points.”

Professor Alexander’s Op Ed, like her new book, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Color Blindness, calls attention to one of the most troubling, and challenging, facets of domestic policy today: the tremendous suffering inflicted by both crime and criminal justice policies on people and communities of color.

Professor Alexander will be speaking at Stanford Law School on February 10, 2010, at 12:45 p.m. in Room 230. Additional speaking engagements will be posted when they become available.

Senator Webb comments on National Criminal Justice Commission

In this YouTube video, Senator Jim Webb comments on his bill to create a National Criminal Justice Commission.

“When you’ve got 7 million people in a country our size involved in the criminal justice system … this is a leadership problem.”

Preliminary data suggests crime down

Preliminary 2009 data from the Uniform Crime Reports suggests that crime is down significantly from 2008. Across the country:

  • Violent crime generally is down 4.4%;
  • Murder is down 10%;
  • Forcible rape is down 3.3%;
  • Robbery is down 6.5%
  • Aggravated assault is down 3.2%;
  • Property crime generally is down 6.1%;
  • Burglary is down 2.5%;
  • Theft is down 5.3%;
  • Motor vehicle theft is down 18.7%;
  • Arson is down 8.2%.

Notably, most of the crime drop is occurring in cities with populations of over 1 million (murder down 13.4% and motor vehicle theft down 21.9% in these cities).

Perhaps of greatest interest to those who study the relationship between crime and incarceration, these crime drops are happening during a time when we may be seeing the first prison population declines in decades.

The FBI, which publishes the Uniform Crime Reports, is careful to note that the data are preliminary.

When California denies a murderer parole, should it need a reason?

The title of this post is the title of a noteworthy article in today’s LA Times on the question of whether, and on what basis, life prisoners in California should be released on parole.

The issue is this - in cases involving inmates who are indisputably eligible for release on parole, may the state of California (in particular, the Governor) refuse to grant release on the basis of the seriousness of the original crime, without making a specific finding that the inmate poses a current threat to public safety?

In 2008, the state Supreme Court decided in In re Lawrence that under state law the Governor must be able to demonstrate a current threat to public safety in order to deny parole to an eligible inmate. The US Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit is currently considering whether a denial of parole without a finding of current threat to public safety violates the US Constitution.

The LA Times piece is notable first for its calling attention to this important issue and second for its presentation of the many differing viewpoints on the purpose of life sentences.

Harriet Salarno, who has been calling attention to the needs of California crime victims for decades, says life sentences should serve as a deterrent: “For the sake of public safety — that’s what we have life sentences for … That should be a deterrent to crime: that you won’t ever get out if you get a life sentence.”

Bill Schmidt, an attorney who represents life-sentenced inmates, argues that in cases where the legislature has already determined that an inmate should be eligible for release on parole, the Governor lacks the authority to refuse release: “Where does the law give the subjective authority for the governor or the board to say, ‘No, your crime was so horrendous that we’re not ever going to let you out’?”.

Laurie Serafino, a professor at Pepperdine, points to the always vexing question of how the criminal justice system can best balance the need to hold offenders accountable with the need to help offenders reintegrate successfully into society: “It goes back to the question of whether we want sentences to be punitive and how to weigh rehabilitation versus punishment.”

The issue of how California treats its life inmates is a pressing one both because of its moral implications and because of the very real need for the state to reduce its unconstitutionally overcrowded prisons. The LA Times should be commended for calling attention to it.